Meet the candidates in the Texas primary runoffs

Valdez got the most votes in the nine-way March primary, but her frontrunner status has since been repeatedly thrown into doubt due to shaky performances on the campaign trail. Her struggles have arguably led to what White had been seeking for weeks: a debate, which took place Friday. The winner of the runoff will take on Republican Gov. Greg Abbott, a formidable opponent who has already taken to treating Valdez as the Democratic nominee.

Tensions in the race to replace retiring U.S. Rep. Ted Poe, R-Humble, have escalated since the March 6 primary narrowed the GOP field to two. Roberts has the financial advantage – in part because of candidate loans – but outside groups are boosting Crenshaw. A central dispute between the two men is the relevance of their own biographies – Crenshaw's service in military special operations versus Roberts' time in the private sector. Meanwhile, nonprofit executive Todd Litton secured the Democratic nomination on March 6. This is generally safe GOP territory, but Litton is running a professional campaign and had about $250,000 in cash banked in early April as he prepares for the general election.

In a heavily conservative district in the Dallas suburbs, the roadblocks to turning this seat blue will be high for either Burch or Johnson. More voters in the district cast a ballot in the Republican primary for the winner, state Sen. Van Taylor, than voted for all four candidates in the Democratic primary combined. Burch was just over 120 votes shy of avoiding a runoff with Johnson, who drew 29 percent of the vote and shares a name with retiring incumbent Sam Johnson, a Plano Republican. Neither Democrat has been able to drum up enough fundraising support to rival Taylor, who has raised $816,740 in addition to loaning himself $1 million.

The crowded field vying to replace retiring U.S. Rep. Jeb Hensarling was whittled down to two in March: Bunni Pounds, who has managed and fundraised for Hensarling’s campaigns, and state Rep. Lance Gooden from Terrell. Though Gooden received 30 percent of the primary vote – 8 percentage points more than Pounds – his opponent has been endorsed by Hensarling and Vice President Mike Pence, who in April took to Twitter to say he was “proud to stand with Bunni Pounds,” and described her as a “strong conservative.”

Both primaries in this Republican-leaning district grew more animated after the long-term incumbent, U.S. Rep. Joe Barton, announced his retirement in November.

On the Democratic side, Sanchez had the financial advantage in the first round but narrowly placed second to Wooldridge. Their latest campaign finance filings showed the women next-and-neck in cash on hand. National Democrats are cautiously watching this race for the fall.

Both primaries in this Republican-leaning district grew more animated after the long-term incumbent, U.S. Rep. Joe Barton, announced his retirement in November.

Wright, who has some name identification from his role as Tarrant County’s tax collector, drew more than double the votes of Ellzey in the first round of the GOP primary. But Ellzey is running a robust campaign, outraising his better-known rival and drawing the backing of one of the best-known politicians in the state: U.S. Energy Secretary Rick Perry.

The seven-way Democratic primary in this Houston-area district turned into one of the state’s nastiest after the Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee, dumped opposition research on Moser online in hopes of keeping her out of the runoff. Moser, boosted in part by the outcry over the unusual move by national Democrats, placed second in the runoff behind Pannill Fletcher, who has said she is the candidate more likely to draw moderate and independent voters needed to defeat incumbent, U.S. Rep. John Culberson, R-Houston, in the fall. Moser has emphasized the need to energize the party’s base.

In a conservative district that includes part of liberal Austin, hopeful Democrats are optimistic that an expected “blue wave” in November could be strong enough to sweep the seat currently held by Tomball Republican Michael McCaul. Out of a seven-way Democratic primary, Siegel came in far ahead with 40 percent support, followed by Walter-Cadien at 17 percent. While Walter-Cadien previously ran for McCaul’s seat in 2014, newcomer Siegel has dominated in fundraising and drawn some high-profile endorsements, including some labor unions and four Austin City Councilmembers.

U.S. Rep. Lamar Smith, R-San Antonio, set off a scramble when he announced he was retiring from this district, which runs from South Austin to San Antonio and extends westward into the Hill Country. The first round of this race drew 18 Republican candidates and four Democrats.

Wilson surprised many when she emerged as the top vote-getter in the March Democratic primary, despite running a campaign far less well-funded or polished than Kopser did. Kopser's mission for the runoff is much like it was for the primary: prove to voters he is the best Democrat to put the traditionally Republican district in play this fall and try to avoid any further surprises.

U.S. Rep. Lamar Smith, R-San Antonio, set off a scramble when he announced he was retiring from this district, which runs from South Austin to San Antonio and extends westward into the Hill Country. The first round of this race drew 18 Republican candidates and four Democrats.

With the GOP field winnowed down to Roy and McCall — Smith has endorsed Roy since the March primary — the choice is between two conservatives with ample stylistic differences. That could lead to a rancorous finish as the two go to extremes to differentiate themselves.

This congressional district, represented by Sugar Land Republican Pete Olson, is among the most racially diverse in the country. Both Kulkarni and Plummer have emphasized that diversity as key to why they view the district as in play in November, even though Republican Donald Trump beat Democrat Hillary Clinton there by 8 percentage points in the 2016 presidential election. Kulkarni finished first among five candidates in the March primary, with 32 percent of the vote. But Plummer was not far behind with 24 percent. Both Democrats can point to their own unique political experience. Kulkarni spent years in the State Department and later advised members of Congress while Plummer has worked on political campaigns and lobbied the Texas Legislature regarding adoption and surrogacy rights.

Jones is the heavy favorite in this race by all the traditional measures, and she was added to the Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee's Red to Blue program soon after finishing first in the March primary, a vote of confidence from the national party. Yet Treviño is running a nontraditional campaign decisively to the left of her, hoping to energize U.S. Sen. Bernie Sanders' followers and pull off an upset on his way to challenging one of the most vulnerable House Republicans in the country, U.S. Rep. Will Hurd of Helotes.

This Republican-leaning district stretches across 13 counties from Austin up to the Dallas-Fort Worth area. The two Democrats to make it out of a five-way primary into a runoff are hopeful predictions of a “blue wave” this November will be big enough to push out the incumbent, Austin Republican Roger Williams. In the March primaries, Perri clenched 33 percent of vote, while Oliver trailed behind with 27 percent support.

This district was represented by Blake Farenthold, until the Corpus Christi Republican abruptly resigned in April. A special election to complete his term has been scheduled for June 30. Nine candidates – including Bruun, Cloud and Barrera – have filed for that race. Barrera and Holguin have yet to attract much attention from national Democrats willing to spend big money on House races. Both are underfunded, and this is a dauntingly Republican stronghold. Even so, the last year has shown Democrats overperforming in special elections, giving some long-shot candidates reasons for hope in the fall.

This district was represented by Blake Farenthold, until the Corpus Christi Republican abruptly resigned in April. A special election to complete his term has been scheduled for June 30. Nine candidates – including Bruun, Cloud and Barrera – have filed for that race. One of the biggest surprises from the March 6 primary night was how close this race was on the GOP side. Most political observers assumed Bruun, who has the support of a slew of prominent officials, would finish far ahead in the six-way primary. Instead, he won 36 percent of the vote to Cloud's 34 percent. Boosting Cloud’s chances in the runoff has been the endorsement of Club for Growth, a well-funded anti-tax group with a super PAC arm that directs donors to endorsed campaigns.

The longtime incumbent, U.S. Rep. Gene Green, D-Houston, is retiring from a heavily Democratic district where Hillary Clinton got 71 percent of the vote against Donald Trump in 2016. Either Aronoff or Montiel will be the underdog in a race expected to go to the Democratic nominee, state Sen. Sylvia Garcia, in November.

National Democrats are watching this district, currently represented by U.S. Rep. John Carter, R-Round Rock, as a potential sleeper race in the fall. That’s in part because Trump won the district by 13 points in 2016, down from the 20-point margin Republican Mitt Romney was able to draw there in 2012. While that’s still safe territory for a Republican incumbent, the potential star power and fundraising prowess of Hegar, a decorated veteran, has raised eyebrows. She nearly secured the nomination outright on March 6, with 45 percent of the vote. However, Mann was severely underfunded but still managed to draw a sturdy 34 percent of the vote that night.

The Democratic field to take on U.S. Rep. Pete Sessions, R-Dallas, had four candidates with viable campaigns, leading to expectations of a split field on primary night. Instead, Allred, a hometown football hero, posted a surprisingly strong 38 percent of the vote. His closest rival, Salerno, drew 18 percent.

The Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee has closed ranks behind Allred while essentially ignoring Salerno. But Salerno has the backing of EMILY's List, a fundraising juggernaut that backs female Democratic candidates who support abortion rights, though the group has not spent big money on her nomination fight.

Lucido narrowly missed the cutoff to avoid a runoff in the March primary, taking in 49 percent of the vote to Watson’s 35 percent. Rather than attacking each other, the Democrats have focused their campaigns more against the incumbent, Republican State Sen. Joan Huffman of Houston. Endorsers and political groups have largely applauded both candidates, though Lucido may have more name recognition — having previously run unsuccessfully against Huffman in 2014.

Spitzer has the significant advantage of having already served this district before for a two-year term in 2014 before losing to the current incumbent Lance Gooden, who is now running for Congress. In the March primary, Spitzer won 4,000 more votes than Bell, but Bell is presenting himself as the more moderate Republican in the safely red district and could prove more appealing to runoff voters who favor someone more like Gooden.

This could be a tight race. McNutt ran for this seat in 2016 on a platform of being tough on immigration, but he lost narrowly after reports surfaced that his family business employed unauthorized workers. He entered the race this year early and seemed like a clear frontrunner, particularly after the incumbent, Byron Cook, announced he wasn’t seeking another term. But Harris, the more moderate candidate, bested McNutt in March, drawing 45 percent of the vote. Harris also drew the endorsement of Linda Timmerman, the third-place finisher in the primary who took 16 percent of the vote.

Republican Leighton Schubert represented this mostly rural district until he resigned in February to take a job at a local junior college. That’s created two sets of elections for this seat. In the five-way March primary in the race for a full two-year term beginning in January, the two candidates were neck and neck, with Wolfskill besting Leman by just over 500 votes. But on May 5, Leman led Wolfskill and a third candidate in the special election to complete Schubert’s current term, setting up another runoff later this year. The race has grown contentious in recent weeks as the pair have battled over toll roads, high-speed rail and, perhaps most pointedly, their biggest-spending backers — Associated Republicans of Texas for Leman and Texas Right to Life for Wolfskill.

Oliveira was first elected in 1981 and is the fifth-most-senior member of the 150-member Texas House of Representatives. He almost avoided a runoff, drawing 48 percent of the primary vote. Domingues, who drew 36 percent of the vote, has accused Oliveira of having lost his zeal for representing the district.

Last month, Oliveira was arrested and charged with driving under the influence. Oliveira has apologized, but the incident could spell trouble if voters buy in to his opponent’s claim that the veteran lawmaker is part of the old RGV guard that needs to be replaced.

Republican State Rep. Jason Isaac of Dripping Springs opted to make a failed bid for Congress rather than run for re-election. Ken Strange won the GOP nomination outright in this Republican-leaning district. Rebecca Bell-Metereau, who has previously run three times as a Democrat for the State Board of Education, nearly avoided a runoff – she drew 45 percent of the primary vote. Zwiener, a children’s book author, came in second with 31 percent of the vote. The winner will face Republican Ken Strange in the general election.

In the first round of the Democratic primary, embattled state Rep. Dawnna Dukes, D-Austin, came in third, and the race to succeed her appears wide open. Vela squeaked to a first-place finish with 209 more votes than Cole. In this solidly blue district, the runoff has been a contest of progressive credentials, with Vela attempting to run to the left of Cole. That the district’s representative has been an African-American woman for the last 43 years has turned questions of demographic representation into a volatile issue in the race. Cole, who has said she suffered in the March primary because the African-American vote was split between several candidates, said at a recent debate she disagreed "on the idea that we do not need an African-American in the Travis County delegation," according to KUT. Vela reportedly shot back, “I reject the idea that somehow because I’m Mexican-American I’m not supposed to run for this seat, that somehow I do not have a right to run for this seat."

Democrats view this district, currently represented by Austin Republican Paul Workman, as a potential pick-up in November, in part because Donald Trump won it in 2016 by fewer than 200 votes. Fowler, the daughter of Civil Rights-era activists, previously worked for Austin Mayor Pro-Tem Sheryl Cole and as chief of staff for state Rep. Helen Giddings, a Dallas Democrat. Goodwin came in first in the primary with 34 percent of the vote, but Fowler wasn’t far behind at 29 percent.

Cosper is one of two members of the Texas House to end up in a primary runoff this year. While Cosper is winning the money race and has the backing of groups affiliated with House leadership, Buckley was not far behind him in votes, drawing 42 percent support to Cosper’s 45 percent. The winner will face Democrat Kathy Richerson in November.

Both candidates have distinct advantages that could help them draw more supporters to the polls in what’s been a sleepy race so far. Smith, who placed first in the primary with 46 percent support, is winning the money race and has the backing of the incumbent, retiring state Rep. Larry Phillips, R-Sherman. Lawson, who drew 34 percent support in March, has been endorsed from some of the state's most conservative groups — including Texas Right to Life and Texas Values Action. The winner will face Democrat Valerie Hefner in November.

Three Democrats filed in the primary to vie for this Republican-leaning seat. Pruneda beat Morris by just 221 votes in the first round of voting but fell short of drawing enough support to avoid a runoff. A third candidate, Matt Farmer, dropped out of the race before Election Day but still picked up 19 percent of the primary vote. The winner of the runoff will face freshman state Rep. Lynn Stucky, R-Denton in November.

Two years ago, Democrat Victoria Neave unseated the incumbent in this swing district, Republican Kenneth Sheets, by a margin of fewer than 1,000 votes. Now, Ruzicka and Metzger are both vying to put the district back in the GOP column. Metzger, who has led the field in fundraising, came in first in the first round of the primary with 45 percent of the vote.

State Rep. Helen Giddings had held this seat for nearly 25 years when she announced her retirement in November. In the four-way primary to take over her seat, Giddings endorsed Sherman, who came in second, drawing 40 percent of the vote behind Jones’ 45 percent. No Republican filed for the seat so the winner of the runoff is almost certain to win the seat outright in November.

The current incumbent, House Speaker Joe Straus, has endorsed Allison, an attorney and the more moderate Republican in the runoff, to succeed him. Beebe previously tried to unseat Straus in 2012 and 2014, accusing the San Antonio Republican of not being conservative enough. This runoff could be close, as Beebe eked out a three-percentage point advantage over Allison in the primary. The winner will face Democrat Celina Montoya in November.

The winner of this democratic runoff will face state Rep. Jim Murphy, R-Houston, who has held the Republican-leaning seat on and off since 2007. Murphy has drawn allegations of potential conflicts of interest as the general manager of a municipal utility district in Houston, but neither Democrat is making that issue a central part of their campaigns. Both candidates have focused more on platform items such as improving public education and advancing recovery efforts following Hurricane Harvey.

Moore nearly avoided this runoff – she drew 49.9 percent of the vote in the Democratic primary to Schexnayder’s 40.9 percent.